“Only Sheikh Abdullah is to be blamed”, said Mufti Sahib while sitting crossed legged on a plush velvet brown Chesterfield armchair, sipping his favorite drink in a gold-plated bohemian crystal glass in front of his palatial abode in this infinite garden. The place was surrounded byChinar trees resembling the one in Paadshaahi Bagh, Bijbehara where he was born almost 90 years ago. The Guardian Angel (Mu'aqqib) admonished Mufti Sahib, “In this place, it is not allowed to talk ill of others. No bad thoughts should enter one’s mind here”. “I know”, said Mufti Sahib. “…And I apologize, but Sheikh Sahib used to call us worms of the gutter (‘Gandi naali ke keede’).That was wrong. Whatever has become of Kashmir today, is Sheikh Sahib’s doing”. The other Mu'aqqib intervened, “You both come from the same land. Both of you had the same profession and both of you had your virtues and shortcomings like every mortal. Why don’t you talk to each other? Allah will be pleased and rewarding. He might even show you both the path forward through divine intervention”. After given it a long thought and recalling that Sheikh Sahib’s 120^th birthday was just last week which might have had a positive impact on his mood, Mufti Sahib nodded. And that is how a meeting between Sher-e-Kashmir and Magic Mufti came about. This time, in the afterlife. And with one splendid blessing; The benefit of hindsight. As usual, dressed in a fine tailored suit, light shirt and flamboyant tie, Mufti Sahib sat down on the banks of Salsabil. Not long after, Sheikh Sahib, donned in a black achkan, white pyjamas, dark grey karakul hatpuffing on a handmade thick Cohiba Behikecigar, approached him. Mufti Sahib stood up from his rather comfortable left recumbent position and greeted Sheikh Sahib with a firm handshake and a warm hug. Sheikh Sahib too, reciprocated affectionally and while smiling in his inimitable fashion, jokingly remarked, “Mufti Sahib, aap aur yahan Jannat mein”? Mufti Sahib riposted quickly, “Sheikh Sahib, yahan mein akela thodi hun. Bakshi Sahib mere hamsaye hain”. After the usual pleasantries, witty comments back and forth and uneasy laughs, it was Mufti Sahib who started the conversation. “Sheikh Sahib, no doubt, you have been the tallest leader that Kashmir has ever seen. Nobody has reached your stature. There is no comparison between you and me, or for that matter between you and anyone else in Kashmiri politics.Don’t you think that, therefore, the onus on where Kashmir finds itself today, is on you”?  Mufti Sahib and Sheikh Sahib had their differences in the mortal world, but they also were respectful gentlemen who were conducting this conversation in the most courteous manner while weighing their words. Of course, the venue of where this conversation was taking place contributed in no small measure to the serenity, as Kashmiris otherwise can be very combative, especially when it comes to politics. “True”, said Sheikh Sahib. “Had it not been for me, Kashmir would have been part of our theo-fascist neighbour and Kashmiris would have been worse off than the Mohajirs there. My implemented policy of ‘Land to the tiller’ did away with the feudal oppression in our homeland and gave dignity to poor Kashmiris. I made education compulsory to save your and my children from being forced to wash dishes at the palace of some capitalist. My Naya Kashmir gave Kashmir and Kashmiris the progressive foundations of social justice, freedom of expression, secularism, economic independence and progressive nationalism at a time when these concepts were even unheard of in Europe. I gave Jammu & Kashmir autonomy. What did you do”? While Mufti Sahib was a tall leader himself, he also knew that Sheikh Sahib was in a class by himself.He was an authoritative man, not used to ‘No’. That was but natural as he had enjoyed almost full subservience from the Kashmiri people for decades. That was the exact point Mufti Sahib was trying to bring home with his initial question. ‘He was the man, so he was responsible’. Thinking that perhaps later in the conversation Sheikh Sahib might address this, Mufti Sahib decided to answer Sheikh Sahib’s question without pushing his own point further. “Sheikh Sahib, your time was different. My time was different.Kashmiris were not subservient to me. I was not the greatest leader the Valley had ever seen.While I also started my political career in Kashmir, I spent most of my political life outside of Kashmir, in Delhi. I was a Minister in the Centre when my daughter was kidnapped by terrorists and when the exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits happened, and unfortunately I couldn’t stop any of these events. I returned to regional politics at the height of terrorism in Kashmir and managed to open the LOC for trade and bus services, start mobile services in Kashmir, and was instrumental in the peace process between Delhi and Islamabad. I implemented my policy of ‘Healing Touch’, butthere was only so much I could do. My time was different and Kashmir had changed”. “And how many years did you spend in jail”? , Sheikh Sahib asked. “Not a single day”, he continued, “I spent almost seventeen years in jail”! Mufti Sahib replied, “Sheikh Sahib that was because you trusted Panditji too much”. “And you trusted the BJP”, Sheikh Sahib said in a loud voice. “You made us lose our autonomy. Our identity”. At his time two of the Mu'aqqibats hushed both leaders with a wave indicating that etiquette must be ensured. “Sheikh Sahib, please”, Mufti Sahib replied. “Your grandson was a Minister in the BJP Government. And, didn’t you always say it is not Kashmir, but Jammu & Kashmir? You changed your party’s name to satisfy Jammu. How could I have ignored the overwhelming mandate given to the BJP in Jammu”? Sheikh Sahib listened attentively. Mufti Sahib continued, “And regarding autonomy…. Article 370 was diluted through 44 amendments before 2019. All during NC’s rule.And, with all due respect, the last nail in the coffin was laid in 1975. Article 370 was already hollow. A mere fig leaf”. Sheikh Sahib kept listening attentively, while his face showed his displeasure. “Sheikh Sahib, after you left, your son’s Government was toppled by Delhi and just a few years later, your party rigged the elections together with those who had toppled Farooq Sahib. And that is when the induction of the ugly head of terrorism into J&K happened. So many guns and bombs. So many Kashmiris killed, raped and uprooted from their homes. It was hell”. In the utmost calm manner and with a grimace of pain, Sheikh Sahib replied, “I would have never allowed that to happen. I would have made Kashmiris understand that only democracy, secularism and non-violence would have ensured our rights. With the brilliant tool of hindsight, I can say that perhaps our deviation from democratic, secular and peaceful principles, which we were known for, along with the induction of religious terrorism, pushed Delhi to the wall. We lost goodwill with the rest of India, the Indian people and the world by becoming lapdogs and mercenaries of Pakistani intelligence agencies”. “Exactly. You had that stature. Today’s leadership does not. Farooq Sahib and Omar are not Sher-e-Kashmir. They are mere politicians, just like I was and Mehbooba is and Iltija might be”, said Mufti Sahib. “You are right”, said Sheikh Sahib. “NC is not what it was, however, it remains the only grassroots party in Kashmir”. “Perhaps, Sheikh Sahib. And if so, that is why I said in the beginning of our conversation, isn’t the onus on you”? “No”, Sheikh Sahib replied conclusively. “When you say that, you talk like a politician by conflating very intricate, sensitive and complex issues into a simple mathematical equation of one plus one is two. It is not that simple”. Mufti Sahib moved a bit closer and listened carefully to Sheikh Sahib. Sheikh Sahib continued. “I did what I did. I built schools, hospitals and gave the Kashmiris dignity and honour. I tried to build alliances across the region and hosted not only my friend Panditji but also Mahatma Gandhi, Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai, Bacha Khan, Jinnah, Adlai Stevenson, Sardar Patel, Maulana Azad, Indira and many others in Srinagar. I firmly believed and still believe that Jammu & Kashmir is part and parcel of India. Being Indian is our national identity, while being Kashmiri caters to our sub-nationalism just like other people in other states in India nurture their sub-nationalism. It was my task to lay the foundation and it was the duty of Kashmiris after me to augment those foundations. Unfortunately, they didn’t. At the same time, nobody in Delhi or Srinagar was interested in moving forward. Bureaucrats merely had a job to do, intelligence agencies wanted quick fixes and politicians loved their chair too much to be courageous and creative”. “Anyhow, it is what it is. At least, there has been an attempt to break the deadlock”, Sheikh Sahib sighed. “Today, Jammu & Kashmir has fully integrated with India. That is the reality. Anyone who is promising anything else, be it Farooq, Omar, Mehbooba, Iltija or anyone else, is befooling the Kashmiris. One could even argue that we, instead of being above par or below par, depending on how you look at it, have become at par with the rest of India. True, the manner in which things happened is something with which I am not happy. Nobody is. Rectifications of that will inevitably happen over time. Of course, that will depend on Delhi, but more so on us. However, the truth is that now we have a new starting point, despite its conceivable flaws or strengths…. And take it from me, this particular position is much more rosier than being part of a theo-fascist Pakistan, dictatorial China, or worse, that what those gun-wielding Islamists wanted Jammu & Kashmir to become”. Mufti Sahib nodded and said, “At least, we now have been freed from those gun-wielding Islamists, stone pelting hooligans and vicious separatists. Thank God”. Sheikh Sahib shook his head and replied, “Mufti Sahib, the absence of war is not peace”. He continued, “The Kashmiris were given a very long rope. Perhaps, too long. Flaunting weapons on social media and publicly denigrating secularism, democracy and the rule of law in favour of radicalism and fanaticism had become fashion statements. These alien ideas to Kashmir dominated our society for over three decades and are ingrained in the minds of a lot of people. Many of them young people. Yes, around six years ago, the long arm of the law turned the corner, however it will be a mistake to think that the erected walls of radicalism, fanaticism and terrorism have crumbled that easily”. “How do you see it then, Sheikh Sahib”? Mufti Sahib asked. Sheikh Sahib’s words displayed this man’s exceptional political acumen, “See Mufti Sahib, it is not so much about delivering justice or punishing the culprit. It is not about compensations or packages. It is not even about reconciliation or the economy. It certainly is not about smart meters or singing Vande Mataram”. He stopped for a few seconds to take another puff of his cigar and continued, “It is about introspection. It is about the mindset. It is about the thinking. The justifications of that thinking. The erosion of our culture. The corruption of our values. The disintegration of our society and the slow-poisoning of the minds and hearts of our current and future generations. Our doctors are involved in killing people. Tourists were mercilessly killed which couldn’t have happened without local support. And Delhi’s problem is that it bets on those who are ambivalent and whose pro-Indian, or for that matter, pro-Pakistani credentials are subject to the quantum of funds provided, while it takes for granted those Kashmiris who are ideologically Indian and have proven secular and democratic credentials. It shrinks their space and leaves them in dire straits”. Mufti Sahib listened anxiously and nodded his head. Sheikh Sahib went on, “These terrorists, their supporters and their facilitators are now operating under the surface. Many of them have normal jobs and many of them are unrecognizable. The vacuum left by the Hurriyat, Jamaat and separatists has been filled by others. Only names have changed. Has anyone asked where the huge funds of Jamiat Ahle Hadith come from? How many more mosques, madrassas and centres of them have mushroomed over the last few years? What is being taught there? Take it from me, Mufti Sahib, my experience tells me that this Salafi organization, its huge funds, the source of these funds and its increasing influence in Kashmir, is covertly providing the basis for another detonation of turmoil. And this one will be more dangerous than the previous ones. This one will be ideological. Today, emotions are dead and murderous ideologies rule the roost. They operate stealthy, like ghosts. And these ghosts will come back to haunt us”.  Before Sheikh Sahib could continue, Mufti Sahib interrupted and asked, “What should be done, Sheikh Sahib”? Sheikh Sahib answered in a low voice, almost whispering, which made Mufti Shaib move a bit more closer to him. “Instead of counter-radicalisation, we need anti-radicalisation. Instead of counternarratives which merely challenge, we need alternative narratives which instead of challenging, set the debate and focus on positive values, such as communal harmony, diversity, tolerance, social inclusion, secularism, Sufismand democracy. Instead of ad-hoc and kneejerk reactions, we need sustained groundwork on Micro-, Meso- and Macro- levels”. “You are right, Sheikh Sahib, but who will do that”? Mufti Sahib asked. Before Sheikh Sahib could answer, a loud thunder thundered and lightning struck the sky. Both Mufti Sahib and Sheikh Sahib instantly fell in prostration on the ground and loudly recited the words, Subhana Rabbiyal A'la, Subhana Rabbiyal A'la, Subhana Rabbiyal A'la. They kept reciting until the thunder stopped. When they lifted their heads from the ground, they looked at the sky and saw that the seventh sky above this garden was radiant with the most beautiful calligraphic script that no eye had ever witnessed before. The magnificent words of Surah Ar-Ra'd illuminated the heavens; "Inna Allaha la yughayyiru ma biqawmin hatta yughayyiroo ma bi-anfusihim”. ‘Indeed, Allah will not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves’.   (The Author is the Director of European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS) and can be reached at: j.qureshi@efsas.org)